The War on What or Whom?
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Sermon given by Rev. Dave Weissbard, Unitarian Universalist Church
of Rockford, IL
April 9, 2000
[the victims]
The prison population in the United States is, by far, the highest
per capita in what we call the "free world," and I believe
it has now passed all the tyrannies too. More than 1.8 million Americans
are imprisoned at this moment. The rate per hundred thousand of
our citizens in prison in 1985 was 313; in 1998 it was 645 –
more than double. From 1926 through 1970, the prison population
was relatively stable at 300,000. In the last 30 years it has increased
six fold.
It is estimated that a male child born this year to an African American
family has a 1 in 4 chance of going to prison in his lifetime. In
an Hispanic family, the chance that a son will be imprisoned is
1/6; in a white family, the likelihood is 1 in 23. A black male
is three times more likely to go to prison than to go to college.
While the number of African Americans in prison for violent and
property crimes decreased from 1990-1996, the black prison population
increased by 12,852. Why?
Although only 11% of the drug users in this country have black skin,
37% of those arrested for drug crimes are black. 42% of those in
federal prisons for drug crimes are black, 60% of those in state
prisons for drug crimes are black.
The United States of America has spent $250 billion in what we call
the "War on Drugs" since 1980. The proposed drug war budget
for 2001 is $19.2 billion, and that does not include the cost of
the incarceration of those whose lives have been ruined by that
war. Our drug czar is claiming success because teen age drug use
fell from 11.4% in 1997 to 9.9% in 98, but he doesn't mention that
it was only 9% when he took office.
In 1998, there were 1,559,100 drug arrests. 38% of those were for
the possession of marijuana; 25% were for the possession of cocaine
or heroin; 11% were for selling drugs.
In recent months we have read terrible stories about the corruption
of police forces with a division in Los Angeles having manufactured
evidence to convict people of drug crimes; undercover members of
a drug force in New York massacre unarmed innocent men.
Here is a sadly not unusual 1996 story from Michigan:
Lansing area drug investigators mistakenly stormed the townhouse
of an East Lansing minister two weeks ago. The Rev. Barbara Edgecombe
was bruised and shaken when at least six police officers entered
her home, forced her to the floor, and then searched her new residence
on Compton Court at 6:45 am on November 20. She was asleep as teams
of police officers spread across the community to arrest more than
20 accused drug traffickers indicted by a tri-county grand jury.
Police thought a man wanted on three felony drug charges still lived
at the minister’s address. There was a knock on Edgecombe’s
door that morning, and she got out of bed expecting to see a familiar
face. "I assumed it was a parishioner who had a major emergency,"
Edgecombe . . . said Wednesday. "I just opened the door and
there were six or seven uniformed armed officers standing on the
doorstep." The officers said they were looking for a man she
didn’t know.
"I said no such person lives here. I said, "What’s
going on here?" They said, ‘He’s armed and extremely
dangerous. Get down.’ I was backing away and starting to get
down when a police officer pushed me on my back to make me lie flat
on the floor," she said.
Edgecombe, who is being treated for breast cancer, raised her head
form the floor and asked police to "please close the door.
It was cold. I said, ‘I’m in chemo and I don’t
want to get chilled.’ An officer pushed my face down on the
carpet and didn’t close the door."
The police gathered in her living room after realizing that the
man wasn’t there. "They continued to question me as to
where the person was," Edgecombe said. "I explained that
I moved in here October 2 and I had no idea who he was. I was totally
bamboozled."
Rev. Barbara Edgecombe was more than just "bamboozled"
– a trip to the hospital revealed that her back had been badly
bruised and sprained by the rough treatment she had received during
the early morning ambush. The head of the Narcotics squad returned
later that morning to assess property damages to her apartment and
to apologize for the "unfortunate mistake."
His explanation for the raid? That the element of surprise is critical
to successful drug busts, that they try to "take every step
but from time to time, something like this happens." The implication,
of course, is that these unfortunate and occasional infringements
are the price we lawful citizens have to pay if we want to "win
the war."
But for Barbara Edgecombe, the issue of police accountability cannot
be dismissed, noting that she "doesn’t want to see this
happen again to me or anyone else."
Barbara Edgecombe is, by the way, a Unitarian Universalist minister.
Think what might have happened had she not been white.
There is, indeed, a war going on. We call it a drug war, but in
truth it is a war against the American people, against our system
of justice, and against minorities.
[mea culpa]
I find it hard to believe that none of the 475 sermons I have delivered
in my 21 years in this pulpit has addressed this issue. That is
particularly strange because drug abuse was one of my major concerns
during my first ministry, and it was of a far lesser magnitude at
that time.
I began my ministry in Bedford, Massachusetts in 1965. During my
second year, I addressed the subject of the use of marijuana by
students in our high school. I saw this as a religious and not as
a legal concern - religious in the sense that we needed to address
why it was that talented students were choosing to turn on in order
to tune out during a critical period of their lives. The police
called the next day to get names from me, which, of course, I declined
to provide. The local newspaper did an article on my sermon, since
it was news, and the police insisted that there was no drug use
in our high school and I didn't know what I was talking about. Two
years later, they brought in undercover agents in an operation which
culminated in a middle-of-the-night gestapo-style raid in which
they arrested 56 kids in Lexington and Bedford. The undercover agents
had bought liquor and engaged in sex with underage teens in order
to ingratiate themselves with the teen culture. Several of the kids
who were arrested were members of our youth group. The police went
around Bedford telling people that my awareness of the drug use
was proof that I was a major supplier. I tried to organize our local
clergy to address the police policies, but after an initially positive
response, my colleagues decided that what we really needed to do
was bring in Young Life to get the kids on the straight and narrow.
I am pretty sure that some of the other ministers were subjected
to intense pressure to back off from the confrontation with the
police.
There is something so knee-jerk liberal about campaigning for the
liberalization of drug laws, that I have distanced myself from the
issue over the years. Rationally, I know without a shred of doubt
that the approach our government has taken toward drug use has been
destructive. The "cure" has been far worse than the illness
and has exacerbated the situation. But I have not dealt with it
because it has felt as if it was too stereotypical to address it,
and that it would diminish my credibility. The fact is that, as
the statistics with which I began make clear, drugs have diminished
as a law enforcement issue within the white community – to
the best of my knowledge, none of our kids has been arrested on
drug charges in the two decades I've been here. It has been easy
to back off. It’s not "our" problem.
I've also backed off because of the ambiguity of my position on
the issue. While I don't believe the use of recreational drugs should
be a matter of police action, that does not mean that I am not concerned
about it. I think it is a lousy idea for teenagers to drink or smoke,
and I don't consider drug use a wonderful alternative, although
it is less injurious than the other two. (Estimates are that in
1998: smoking killed 390,000 people; alcohol 80,000; second-hand
smoke 50,000; cocaine 2,200; heroin 2,000; aspirin, 2000, and marijuana
0.) For me, the primary concern is the role of escape in the life
of an adolescent. I have seen too many kids whose progress seemed
to be de-railed by drug use. It may well be that the drugs were
the symptom and not the cause - had it not been the drugs, maybe
it would have been something else, but I don't know. What I do know
from abundant evidence is that our legal system makes the whole
matter worse than it would otherwise be.
[drug policy history]
A look at the history of our drug policies is appalling. In 1875,
opium was outlawed largely because of concern that white women were
being led astray by Chinese men in opium dens. In the early part
of the century there was concern about what the newspapers referred
to as "cocainized niggers." The rumor was that African
American men got superhuman strength from the use of cocaine and
were engaging in the wholesale raping of white womanhood. In 1937,
Congress passed the Marijuana tax act. In retrospect, it appears
to have been motivated by concern that Mexican laborers were taking
jobs away from US citizens, and they liked marijuana. It was ostensibly
just an act to regulate marijuana and to provide for the licensing
of its sale - but no licenses were granted. The American Medical
Association opposed the legislation. Then, during the debate, it
was reported that the AMA had switched its position and the bill
passed. The AMA had not.
There has been blatant lying throughout the history of our drug
policy. There have been repeated scientific panels which have found,
virtually every time, that the scare tactics which have motivated
government policies have not been based on any science. Medical
issues have been transformed into criminal issues.
During the Prohibition era, what had been a declining use of alcohol
increased when it was made illegal, and organized crime found a
niche on which to profit greatly. The rates of murder and violent
crime soared. When Prohibition ended, the crime rate went back down.
It is abundantly clear that the illegal status of drugs has not
succeeded in making drugs hard to obtain. We are told than even
junior high school kids in virtually every city in America can get
almost any drug they want in minutes. We spend a fortune on trying
to stop the production of drugs, and we succeed virtually not at
all – they are cheaper than ever before. We try to cut off
the distribution networks, and that has virtually no impact on the
supply. We put users in jail, and they learn disrespect of the system
and gain training in crime and we all pay the price.
It is one of the bizarre pieces of history that during the Nixon
administration, when drugs first became a major concern, there was
a heavy emphasis on treatment instead of punishment. It was the
Reagan administration that reduced the proportion of funds used
for treatment, and there has never since been as much treatment
available. Drugs are viewed as a criminal - not a medical problem.
Not since the Nixon administration has a physician been responsible
for guiding our policies.
[Religious Leaders for a More Compassionate Drug Policy]
In another one of those increasing co-incidences, after announcing
my subject for this week, I received an e-mail that was sent to
all UU ministers from the Rev. Howard Moody, a prominent liberal
mainline protestant minister and the co-ordinator of a group called
"Religious Leaders for a more Just and Compassionate Drug Policy.
The list of the advisory board members reveals prominent clergy
and ethical leaders from many traditions.
The organizations goals and purposes state:
We deplore excessive use of drugs which leads to substance abuse
but we seek through education and action:
To affirm the value and dignity of all who use drugs of whatever
kind. They too are children of the divine. We deplore their demonization
and marginalization by the media and the larger public
To expose the unjust and discriminatory penalties against those
involved with illicit drugs.
To inform our congregations of, and to protest the devastating impact
of our present drug laws on African Americans and their communities.
To call for a less coercive approach to both treatment and punishment
of those involved with illegal drugs. Addiction is more of a health
problem than a criminal act.
To advocate a set of strategies for substance users and service
providers to reduce harm done to drug users, their loved ones, and
their communities, and which would help them to gain access to information
and tools to improve their health.
[blinders]
I believe this is one of those instances in which we have simply
not been sufficiently aware of the true impact of things of which
we have been but dimly aware. We know we are paying for all those
new prisons and we have accepted that they are needed to protect
us from dangerous criminals. The new prisons are mostly necessary
because of the locking up of people who have committed the victimless
crime of drug use. There is a strong industry now going in America
based on the construction and the staffing of prisons. Remember
that there is incontrovertible evidence that the major source of
drugs to people in prisons is the guards who are working there.
So much for deterrence.
Interestingly, the whole issue of our drug policy is suddenly being
debated because of the request for massive funds for intervention
in the civil war in Columbia. Allegedly, the money, $1.7 billion,
will be used against drug dealers. I truth, it will be used to strengthen
the military which means it will be used against the poor in the
countryside. There has been heavy lobbying in favor of the money
by the helicopter manufacturer and the chemical companies which
are involved in Columbia. As a side effect of the debate over the
military support, however, the whole question of our destructive
drug policy has, finally, come under debate. The support bill has
passed in the house, but debate is now ahead in the Senate.
Friends, what I am asking of you is precisely what the coalition
of religious leaders has asked me to ask of you: please become more
informed about what our nation’s drug policies are doing to
the fabric of our society - consider the impact on the African American
community of the imprisonment of so many of its young people for
the victimless crime of drug use. Consider what is being done in
other countries that are far more enlightened than ours in response
to the real challenges that drugs present. Consider, and then let’s
decide how we can, together, seek to address this issue.
Bibliography
Books
Brecher, Edward M, and the Editors of Consumers Reports Magazine,
The Consumers Union Report on Licit and Illicit Drugs, 1972.
Marin, Peter and Cohen, Allen Y, Understanding Drug Use, Harper &
Row, 1971.
Massing, Michael, The Fix, University of California Press, 2000.
Online Resources
http://www.dpf.org
http://www.lindesmith.org
http://www.druglibrary.org
http://www.csdp.org/
http://www.drcnet.org
http://www.drugsense.org/
http://www.salon.com/news/special/drug_war/
http://www.thenation.com/issue/990920/
Interfaith
Drug Policy
Initiative, P.O. Box 6299, Washington,
D.C. 20015
Phone: 301-270-4473 Fax: 301-270-4483 |
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